It's a terrible solution, since it cripples what are supposed to be viable tools for the player (support rebels and entice governor). Ferrary, J.-L. (1988).

Crumley, C.L. No. Provincia et imperium. 208-209. Here the language of patronage was co-opted into a new conceptual framework, drawing on the Classical and Hellenistic institution of , to construct a Roman-specific honorific relationship.90 By the 60s, this terminology had become a familiar sight in the honorific register of the Aegean and western Asia poleis.

Ehling 2008, 262-263. Historical Institutionalism in Comparative Analysis, Cambridge, pp. Cambridge. Cittadinanza e privilegi nellOriente greco in et tardo-repubblicana. 1-32. Mack 2015, 22-25, 81-89; Domingo Gygax 2016, 109-114. 239-277. Nevertheless, as Chrubasik has stressed, these idioms of Seleucid rule were together grounded in the reality of the acceptance of their authority by their subjects.20.

Syr.

In: K. Erickson and G. Ramsey, eds., pp. (2007). Contexts of Disintegration and Reintegration, The Inscribed Documents on the Temple of Hekate at Lagina and the Date and Meaning of the Temple Frieze, The Roman Imperial State, Provincial Governors and the Public Finances of Provincial Cities, 27 B.C.-A.D. 235, Coinage in Roman Syria. Man. Both Lucullus, a lowly quaestor, and Sulla, a considerably more powerful commander, responded by framing themselves as equal (or even superior) to Seleucid basileis. 149-161. You can email a link to this page to a colleague or librarian: The link was not copied. Mack, W. (2015). This repetition, which achieved significant distribution through numismatic material, served to associate rulers with their illustrious forebears. Nevertheless, though this process of liberation was decentralised, emerging over a period of time through imitation and competition, the widespread adoption of new eras institutionalised the authority of Pompeius and the Roman state within local political cultures. Finally, an honorific inscription from Pompeiopolis-Soloi sheds further light on the process. App. Seyrig, H. (1950). (2004). But Antiochus II managed to win it all back plus some within 30 years. While Rigsby suggests that the identity of these commanders is irrecoverable, by placing Sullas letter before Lucullus, the identity becomes clear: Sulla himself, and L. Licinius Murena, then praetor in Greece.61 Accepting this view, while acknowledging the authority of earlier decisions by Roman imperatores, Lucullus discursively asserts his own capacity to decide on the matter. However, it is directed to the institutions of Mopsuestia, rather than to Sulla and seems to assert Lucullus own decision to speak to the matter at hand. Ma 2000a, esp. Chiron 49, pp. Valve Corporation. As noted, was a typical royal Hellenistic title, and appropriate to Pompeius, given his role in the refoundation of the community.87 It also fits with Pompeius reputation as a (re)founder of poleis, which itself engages with Hellenistic ideas of kingship.88 By contrast, the title, transliterated from Latin, of patron was not, originally, honorific.

De Souza, P. (2002). Vrilhac, A.M., and Dagron, G. (1974). Athens. Mackil, E. (2013). Les grecs et lautorits romaines au Ier sicle av. Bencivenni, A. 48; Kreiler 2006, 79-82, follows Just. SEG 44.1227.10-16. 53-67. All rights reserved. Nurpetlian, J. Even so, the limited power of quaestors compared with their imperium-holding superiors may explain the dearth of quaestorian documents from the Republican period. The Province of Cilicia and its Origins. Second, the assumption that Sullas confirmation of the decision lay after the defeat of Mithridates during his settlement of Asia Minor is far from substantiated. -, bordered post it's as a Moderator.

Jones, C.P. The context might imply a grant of fiscal privileges within areas of Roman jurisdiction but raises further questions of practicality. ZPE 149, pp. Pina Polo, F., and Daz Fernndez, A. 89-107. Jebel Khalid on the Euphrates and its Temple. Erickson and Ramsey 2011, 13-14; Ehling 2008, 13-16, 263-277.

ILS 9459 at Miletopolis. While an enticing possibility, internal evidence renders it unlikely: Lucullus rationale for honouring Diodotus is firmly grounded in his religious duties: his piety (), his attendance on () and his devotion to () honouring the gods.65 Additionally, the other examples, admittedly within a different context, are frank about their recipients military service. Vom Tode des Antiochos IV.

213-246. An inscription from the Cilician polis of Mopsuestia, first published in 1994, provides critical evidence on the nascent relationship between Roman magistrates and a community still theoretically subject to Seleucid authority during precisely this transitional period. Rome is like France, the big scary expansionist empire to the west. 5|c. The appearance of Roman actors created disruption on two fronts. Plb. 69. Specifically, the quaestor states: [] | [] [] | [] []| [] ( and I myself [decided], in accordance with those things which the imperatores before us decided, that the temple of Isis and Sarapis should be inviolable).56 A parallel is found in an honorific inscription for Hegesias of Lampsacus. 201-206. Raggi, A. Von Aulock 1963, 232-234, with #5-10, assumed it occurred under Antiochus X Eusebes (c. 95-88). Jones 2019, B.25-27, commentary at 39-41. (2015).

This is best theorised as a peer-polity network spanning the Greek world, wherein each polis, notionally, had equal capacity to act. The lengthy war between Antiochus VIII Grypus and Antiochus IX Cyzicenus offers another plausible context. Vom Tode des Antiochos IV. (2019). In my game they hold their ground against a maurya that unified india and even expanded into the arabian peninsula. At the death of Antiochus IV Epiphanes in 164 BCE, Seleucid hegemony over Cilicia and Syria was undisputed; however, less than a century later, after defeating Tigranes of Armenia, Cn. Frija 2014, 84, noting that all extant honorific inscriptions refer to him as imperator (in translation or transliteration: IG. Polybius remark that Antiochus IIIs eastern expedition made him seem worthy of kingship not only to the peoples of Asia but also to those of Europe ( , ) and the well-attested emphasis of the Attalid dynasts on their successes against the Galatians are just two examples.18 According to Gehrke, zu beachten dabei ist, da der Prestigegewinn sich nicht allein unmittelbar in politischen Einflu umsetzte, sondern da gerade auf Grund der militrischen Grotat der Knig verdient, Knig zu sein, da also darin das Herzstck der kniglichen Wrde lag.19 Ultimately, the capacity of contenders for the kingship to provide security by defeating outside threats or gain prestige through military victory was an essential element in persuading subject cities to accept royal authority. All dates BCE unless stated. JRS 66, pp. See Eckstein 1995 for an introduction to the debate. Some franchises and games of note: Stellaris, Europa Universalis, Imperator: Rome, Crusader Kings, Hearts of Iron, Victoria and Cities: Skylines. Dcrets des cits grecques et correspondance des rois hellnistiques. Note the complex valence of the word provincia, which did not imply a permanent Roman presence or the establishment of administrative institutions, even in this period: Lintott 1981, 54-57; Richardson 2008, 12-44; Daz Fernndez 2015, 31-66; Gargola 2017. AA 78, pp. JavaScript is disabled. RAAN 47, pp. Even across the internecine conflicts, the Seleucids drew on recognisably dynastic iconography, cycling through the same sets of names within their family groupings.30 Both within and outside the dynasty, however, military success remained a crucial currency in bidding for support. The most plausible explanation sees Lucullus apparently intimate knowledge of the priests civic tax exemptions as deriving from Diodotus himself. In: K. Erickson and G. Ramsey, eds., pp. However, aside from a single, later, example from Mallus for an unidentifiable Valerius, this is the only attested occurrence in Cilicia proper.91 Though this may be a function of the limited epigraphic material from the region, it might also indicate a less developed familiarity with Roman culture. In my game Seleukos II got killed in battle against the Parnians and the Seleukids then lost a bunch of land.

But Antiochus II managed to win it all back taking half the Parnian heartland plus Bactria within 30 years. Carian Stratonicea provides an extreme example: in addition to the senatus consultum confirming a variety of privileges granted after the First Mithridatic War, the city also inscribed the names of the poleis which had agreed with the Roman decision to grant asylia to the temple of Hecate at Lagina on the south side of that building in an exhaustive list.46 In this sense, asylia claims could interweave elements of the peer-polity framework with a recognition of royal authority. Accounts of Cn. A Flexible Institution, Rigidly Perceived? Norea, C. (2007). 13-15. In: S. Steinmo, K. Thelen, and F. Longstreth, eds., Structuring Politics. Alongside the hierarchical relationship constructed between the major kings and communities, interactions between poleis were governed by an entirely separate web of institutions. I think they're pretty much f-ed if they declare on a Seleucid Empire at peace. Time and its Adversaries in the Seleucid Empire. Overall, the Mopsuestia letters imply a complex negotiated position between Romans and Cilicians, with both groups using the dialogue to assert their position. The precise status of Lucullus from the perspective of the ambassadors is unclear, though it seems he acted as the representative to Sulla as a quasi-basileus. A Second Look at Production Quantification and Chronology in the Late Seleucid Period. Chrubasik 2016, esp. In: P.W. Though having numerous or noteworthy individuals in ones clientela demonstrated ones worth and influence within the political community, the patron-client relationship was often a formal consensual agreement. ), Civil War in Ancient Greece and Rome.

Magie, D. (1950). E.g. Studies on Royal Cult and Imperial Worship, Leuven, pp.

The interpenetration of these frameworks, to use Davies term, gave rise to a fluid, ever-changing concept of royal authority.4 Crucially, the realities of royal power existed in tension with the Hellenistic ideal of civic autarchy, favouring the emergence of institutions which constructed power and authority in ways discreetly disguising the harsh realities of military dominance. Also when Rome starts the Seleucids were doing fucking great and literally about to conquer the entirety of the Levant and Asia-minor, but every game I play they sit in Persia for 10 years doing nothing then fracture into 100 countries. McAuley, A. Stasis im griechischen Osten nach den Iden des Mrz (44 bis 39 v. ZPE 135, pp. The demos of the Pompeiopolitans, sacred, inalienable, free, and autonomous, (honours) Gnaeus Pompeius, son of Gnaeus, Magnus, three times imperator, founder, and patron of the polis. Empire and Political Cultures in the Roman World. (1975). No they shouldnt, timurids were unstable and meant to explode, where as Seleucids were rather stable at this point in time. In the case of the last, this should be connected to the formal refoundation of the polis as Pompeiopolis, perhaps taking in the first full calendar year as a renewed community. Eilers, C. (2002). Bertrand, J.-M. (1985). Mith. berlegungen zur hellenistischen Monarchie, Ceci nest pas lautonomie. The High Command in the Roman Republic. AI blobs being too stable doesn't help with that I believe. Histoires, images et traces de la ville antique, Authority and Legitimacy in Syria: Seleucid and Local Frameworks, Mopsuestia: A Community between Rome and the Kings, Local Agency in Late Hellenistic Syria and Cilicia, https://doi.org/10.1163/1568525X-BJA10064. RPh 13, pp. Civic authorities openly celebrated these virtues and integrated Pompeius and Lucullus, inter alios, within these established frameworks. A marble block, broken on all sides except the left, preserves the conclusion of a letter from one magistrate and beginning of another: the first plausibly assigned to L. Cornelius Sulla and the second explicitly from his quaestor, L. Licinius Lucullus.33 Both are concerned with Mopsuestias request that the asylia of the temple of Isis and Serapis be recognised. The organisation of Macedonia and Asia, after 146 and 133 respectively, as regular provinces for annual magistrates created a new locus of potential authority within the eastern Mediterranean. Sayar, Siewert and Tuber 1994, 124, follow App.

The Beginning of Municipal Coinage. Gli epiteti ufficiali dei re ellenistici. New Perspectives, Swansea, pp.

I am especially grateful to Georgy Kantor, Lewis Webb, and Kimberley Webb for their helpful comments and feedback on various draft versions. E.g. (2 vols). In early 196 he embarked on an embassy to the Massaliotes and the Romans. Entre tutelle romaine et autonomie civique. Pomp. Seeing the foundations of their claim slipping away, it is argued, the Mopsuestians sought to generate an alternative legitimacy by engaging with the Roman Republic as a quasi-royal authority. Hoover, Houghton and Vesel 2008, 212-213. Hoover 2007, 296-298. All translations by the author. 253-275. Pilhofer, S. (2006). In: F. de Callata, ed., Quantifying Monetary Supplies in Greco-Roman Times, Bari, pp. (2006). All trademarks are property of their respective owners in the US and other countries. Solution: alliances and coalitions of rulers to take on aggressive nations. 60.11; App. SEG 26.1451-1453. La provincia di Cilicia e gli ordinamenti di Pompeo. Kings and Cities in the Hellenistic Age. Created by M. Gronow, using Ancient World Mapping Centres Antiquity A-la-carte application, under Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International Licence.

Hellenistic Founders, Roman Builders. Str. 6-10, 227-233. Coinage in Roman Syria. Unruhen, Aufstnde und Abfallbewegungen der Bevlkerung in Phnikien, Syrien und Kilikien unter den Seleukiden. Lorber, eds., More than Men, Less than Gods. Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der spten Seleukiden (164-63 v. Flaig, E. (2019).

472-494. Der siegreiche Knig. Pomp. (2000). Ehling, K. (2003). Raggi 2006, with earlier editions listed at 19-23. Hoover, Houghton and Vesel have noted that the choice of epithets displayed on coinage for late members of the dynasty echoed specific forebears, while McAuley persuasively argues that the female names Laodice, Cleopatra, and Stratonice served to transmit the collective values of the dynasty. Belleten Trk Tarih Kurumu 55, pp. At this rate I'll be the most powerful just as a regional power. As a powerful actor which did not share a common understanding of the rules underpinning regional inter-state institutions, problems of translation were inevitable.13 The unusual organisation of the Roman polity posed a further problem for Hellenistic poleis: while not ruled by a monarch, its power was such that it could not be considered a peer. According to Cicero, they did not seek confirmation or support for their rule in Syria, which he claims was uncontested (qui venerant non propter Syriae regnum, nam id sine controversia obtinebant ut a patre et a maioribus acceperant, [the brothers] came not on account of the kingdom of Syria, for this they obtained without controversy, as they received it from their father and their ancestors), but to bolster their claims to Egypt, through their mother Cleopatra Selene. Eckstein, A.M. (2013). La cit grecque dans les monarchies hellnistiques. Zorolu, L. (2004). 25.2; D.C. 36.36.4. I argue that as Roman magistrates played an increasingly significant role in the region, cities initially framed them in quasi-regal terms, which their interlocutors consciously accepted. Tyche 9, pp.

Evidence concerning the core Seleucid territories around the Syrian Tetrapolis further emphasises the critical role of local agency in legitimating and encouraging Roman intervention. Benefactions and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City. As Rigsby has shown, typical asylia claims depended on a broad basis of support from communities and other actors, not necessarily restricted to those with fame and influence. Messene in the Last Years of Augustus. Even if a 14 or 18 year Armenian interlude should be rejected, numismatic evidence demonstrates Tigranes control over both the Antiochene and Damascene mints for a short period in the late 70s.68 The Roman invasion of Armenia under L. Licinius Lucullus, however, allowed Antiochus to return to Syria. The Last Days of a Seleucid City. Brm, H. (2016). More generally, the sources emphasise across this period that individual communities were increasingly bold in asserting their autonomy as traditional markers of dynastic authority faded during the first century. Philhellnisme et imprialisme. 26.1; App. From the fourth century onwards, this coalesced into a standard repertoire, including defending Greek poleis against external threats, financing major public buildings in allied or prominent cities, and making political grants.15 This moralising tendency emerges in the language of royal letters and the constant dialectical exchange between poleis and the basileus further nudged monarchs towards the deployment of this principled vocabulary.16 Additionally, monarchs emphasised their dynastic claim to kingship through the repetition of names and epithets across several generations.